Canada’s remarks at the UN General Assembly Veto Initiative Debate on DPRK Panel of Experts

April 11, 2024 - New York, New York – Global Affairs Canada

Check against delivery. This speech has been translated in accordance with the Government of Canada’s official languages policy and edited for posting and distribution in accordance with its communications policy.

When Canada served as Chair of the Angola Sanctions Committee in 1999, one of my predecessors, Ambassador Robert Fowler, worked with his counterparts on the Security Council to establish the first ever Panel of Experts for a UN sanctions regime.

The Panel provided Council members with credible, independent assessments, and made recommendations to end the conflict.

The model was replicated to support UN sanctions in Sierra Leone and Liberia.

Over time, the Council and the whole UN system has relied on Panels of Experts to enhance the effectiveness of its sanctions.

They have been, and remain, important tools, not only for the Council, for the wider membership of the United Nations, too. 

They provide us with critical information to ensure compliance with Security Council sanctions, which reinforces our ability to comply with section 25 of the Charter, namely to carry out the Council’s decisions.

And yet, we now find ourselves in this situation in which one permanent member of the Council, the Russian Federation, has seen fit to undermine and eliminate these tools. 

The latest example is Russia’s abuse of its veto to terminate the mandate of the DPRK Panel of Experts.

This veto as it has been described by so many is completely and utterly irresponsible.

It is at odds with Russia’s responsibilities under the Charter.

And it is richly deserving of our shared concern and condemnation as well as our urging to ensure Panel is restored to its work. 

Russia’s actions will undermine the effectiveness of UN sanctions imposed against the DPRK; sanctions that Russia has supported for nearly twenty years.

The international community will no longer receive the credible, independent information and recommendations that the Panel has provided for over fifteen years.

But there are other issues as well. The global disarmament and non-proliferation architecture will suffer, with a key element of the UN sanctions regime being dismantled before our eyes.

It's important to for us to remind ourselves because there is such a terrible irony in this discussion today, that Russia was not only present at the formation of the UN itself, but has been part and parcel of the creation of whatever fragile architecture we have to prevent a nuclear catastrophe.  Slowly but steadily we built institutions, signed treaties to stop the testing in the atmosphere, to deal with  nuclear proliferation and its terrible consequences, all of which were carefully negotiated with the Soviet Union and with Russia, and in all of which Russia has been deeply implicated itself impressing for, from this platform, from all platforms around the world in all the treaty negotiations and conferences here in NY and in Geneva. The RF was an architect of this structure.  And now we find ourselves in the ironic position where Russia has decided unilaterally to take steps to dismantle it. DPRK will be emboldened to continue to expand its unlawful weapons of mass destruction program and ballistic missile programs.

We urge the DPRK to cease activities that generate revenue for its unlawful weapons programs, including the malicious cyber activities which the Panel itself has exposed. 

Perhaps we need to understand this is precisely the point of Russia’s reckless decision.

The Panel’s termination comes amidst unprecedented cooperation between Russia and the DPRK; a troubling relationship reported on by the Panel and many other credible sources. 

Ballistic missiles and other materiel provided by the DPRK to Russia, in violation of Council sanctions, are sustaining Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine – which by the way this Assembly has condemned on many occasions.

Furthermore, that the DPRK is violating international law is not in dispute.

Sanctions by the Council are a direct response to the serious threat posed to international peace and security by the DPRK’s weapons programs.

This threat has not dissipated, in fact its intensified, which is why the sanctions remain in force. 

What has changed? Well I’ll tell you what has changed. What has changed is that one state now needs those very weapons to prosecute its own illegal war, and so chose to weaken Council action and provide cover for its own violations. 

So, let us call this veto what it is: a back-room deal, pure and simple.

Russia gets the weapons it needs to destroy Ukraine, and the DPRK gets Russia’s protection in the Security Council.

This is a weapons for protection racket. Nothing more, nothing less.

Corruption was never so cynical.

The people of the Korean peninsula and East Asia who live every day, every night, under the threat of an aggressive DPRK are now less secure.

Ukrainians suffering but resisting Russia's imperialist ambitions are now less safe.

We are all less secure.

And I must say that Canada is disappointed by China's abstention in this regard.

How can a country neighboring a nuclear proliferator publicly declare its support for the Sanctions Committee and the Group of Experts, but not vote in favor of a resolution that would have ensured their proper functioning? 

Russia should have abstained from voting, in accordance with article 27, paragraph 3.

Instead, it used its veto to oppose an essential tool at our disposal, undermining our collective ability to enforce the Charter.

This is not the first time Russia has acted in this way.

Russia obstructed the work of the group of experts in the Central African Republic.

Russia imposed its unilateral veto on the group of experts on Mali.

In both of these cases, these expert groups had reported violations perpetrated or supported by whom? By Russia.

Where will this end?

Will we continue to allow one country to undermine the institutions and tools we have built together? This is not a rhetorical question.  It is for this assembly.

Madame President,

Russia may believe that by vetoing the mandate of the DPRK Panel, it will shield itself and the DPRK from scrutiny. As we say in Canada – fat chance.

Russia is mistaken.

Canada will continue to fully comply with UN sanctions on the DPRK, which remain in effect and are legally binding.

We call on all Member States to do exactly the same.

We will continue to monitor and respond to UN sanctions evasion, and to hold the DPRK accountable.

Independent monitoring of compliance with the sanctions regime is now more important than ever.

We call on all Member States to do the same.

And Canada stands ready to work with all partners to respond to Russia’s veto, including through action by this Assembly. And here if I may in closing, Madame President, say that we associate entirely with the comments of both of those who have spoken this afternoon – my colleague from Austria and my colleague from Brazil. My colleague from Brazil has pleaded with the Council to get back to work – find a compromise, do what you have to do to ensure this Panel of Experts is not undermined and able to continue. But as my colleague from Austria has said, well the General Assembly is not going away. Over the last several years this assembly has taken upon itself to act when the Security Council is stuck, frozen undermined. This is precisely what we are seeing now.  And if after the deadline of April 30th, we find ourselves in a position where the Security Council has not acted, we shall certainly be joining with Austria and many others to find a way for this assembly to do its job.  To protect the security of the world, to ensure that the architecture on non-proliferation is advanced and not undermined and to assure ourselves quite simply that these two countries, Russia and DPRK, do not get away with it.

Thank you, Madame President.